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MAKING OF THE
MANDIR
Ayodhya: The Ram temple is being assembled in three workshops in Rajasthan
and one in UP under the supervision of theVishwa Hindu Parishad(VHP).
The plan is to start construction at the actual site in two years whether
or not the BJP has a majority at the Centre.
DEBASISH MUKHERJI in New Delhi and
AJAY UPRETI in Luckhnow
Two
bombs have been ticking away in India for years, one in the
Pokharan desert of Rajasthan and the other in Ayodhya. The BJP-led government
gladly pulled the pin at Pokharan, flexing its nuclear muscle; a Shakti
peeth temple that Hindu sanyasins have planned near Pokharan will symbolise
this 'victory'. After the thermonuclear bang it is the turn of the Ayodhya
bomb, which is also being assembled on the sands of Rajasthan not by nuclear
scientists but by master-craftsmen who are chipping away on exotic pink
sandstone
(pic: left) . There will be no victors or vanquished after
this blast, though.
The BJP is worried about the political cost of detonating this bomb, but
the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) is defiant. "We will start construction
at the Ram Janmabhoomi site within two years," said its working president
Ashok Singhal. Though one-fourth of the work is over, actual construction
at the disputed site can begin only after all the suits relating to it
are annulled and land is allotted to the Ram Janmabhoomi Nyas. Asked about
the VHP-initiated construction work at Karsevakpuram near Ayodhya, Mahant
Nritya Gopal Das, deputy chief of the Nyas, asserted that "the Nyas
and the VHP are one" on the question of temple construction. "The
sole objective of the Nyas is to build the Ram temple and it is committed
to this goal," he said.
This goal may be realised sooner than most people think, if Samajwadi
Party chief and former defence minister Mulayam Singh
(pic: right) is to be believed. "The Sangh Parivar
has hatched a conspiracy to bypass the courts and erect a temple at Ayodhya
and make it a fait accompli, as they did in the case of the demolition
of the Babri Masjid," he told THE WEEK. "Everything is getting
ready in Ayodhya, Lucknow and Rajasthan, so that the temple itself can
be put together in a matter of days and hours. My information is they
are planning to do it in July or August."
Mulayam, who stopped the kar sevaks who stormed the Masjid in 1990, visualised
a scenario of what might happen: "The PAC (Provincial Armed Constabulary)
of Uttar Pradesh will surround the site and will not let in anyone other
than VHP volunteers. In addition, they will bring in Central paramilitary
forces. The plan is to have an ordinance issued either by the Vajpayee
government or the Kalyan Singh government permitting construction of the
temple, as the land is already with the Central government. They will
hoodwink the courts and the people as they did last time. They think it
is easier now because they have power over the Central and state governments."
Champat Rai, a joint-secretary of the VHP who is overseeing the project,
sought to allay fears. "We have no intention of violating any court
order," he said. "Besides, before the temple is built we have
to level the ground. There is a 50-foot depression just behind the disputed
spot which will take months to fill. The soil in the area will require
a 'raft foundation' which means extending the concrete platform built
in July 1992 to cover twice the area it now covers. Only then can we put
up the walls and pillars. None of this can be done overnight as our critics
allege."
But the fact is that the VHP has been prefabricating the temple since
1991 and according to Rai almost 30 per cent of the work is complete.
"People appear to have woken up seven years late," said Rai.
"Even in the months following December 6, 1992, when our organisation
was briefly banned, the stone cutting and chiselling continued. I see
nothing wrong with it: our activities were banned, carving stone pillars
was not!"
The first sandstone blocks arrived in Ayodhya from Bansipahar, near Bharatpur
in Rajasthan, in late 1989, soon after the shilanyas, and were stored
at a workshop near the Ramghat Chowraha, more than a kilometre from both
the Ram Janmabhoomi site and the VHP headquarters at Karsevakpuram. Work
on the stones began only in end 1991 with about eight workers who had
come from Mirzapur, Agra, Rajasthan, and even Gujarat.
"In late 1995 we stepped up the pace," said Rai. "We had
Rs 8.29 crore in the bank, collected during our shila pujan and other
programmes. We thought that instead of merely letting it accumulate interest
in the bank, and then paying income tax, we might as well use it up."
Just when the BJP was in sight of victory in the Lok Sabha elections which
were a few months away, the VHP purchased a stone-cutting machine for
its Ayodhya workshop. Today at Karsevakpuram, 5 km from the disputed site,
nearly 150 craftsmen are chiselling sandstone into shape even as two stone
cutter machines slice the huge stones; the machines and a generator had
been bought from Gujarat for Rs 13 lakh. "The machines have made
the work a lot faster," said Anant Ram, technical supervisor of the
Karsevakpuram workshop, which is spread on 2 sq km.
In late 1995 the VHP contracted out part of the carving work. It chose
Sompura Marble Works, Bharat Shilp Kala Kendra and Mahadev Shilp Kala
Kendra, all three located in the BJP-ruled Rajasthan. "Ashok Singhalji
has come here a number of times," said Ramesh Chandra Sompura, proprietor
of Sompura Marble Works in Pindwara town. "I went to Ayodhya, where
they showed me a sample and asked if I could replicate it. I said I could,
and got the contract."
So too did Jawanji, owner of the Mahadev Shilp Kala Kendra at Ajari village,
and Kastoorlal Padamji of the Bharat Shilp Kala Kendra in Kojra town.
None of them had any previous connection with the BJP or VHP. "But
as devout Hindus we are keen to see the Ram mandir built," said Jawanji.
The workshops vary considerably in size, from 50-square-foot enclosures
to sprawling fields stretching over half an acre. A few are covered with
flimsy shamianas, but most have only the sky above.
The completed temple, which is estimated to cost Rs 120 crore, will be
in two tiers, comprising 212 pillars, 106 each on the ground floor and
first floor. "There will be three kinds of pillars," said Rai.
The ground floor pillars will be 16.5 feet tall, the first floor ones
14.5 feet. "First there will be 72 complete pillars, with carvings
on all four sides. The remaining 34 will be half pillars or quarter pillars,
partially embedded in the walls."
"We expect to complete at least 50 per cent of the pillars in the
next two years," said Rai. So far 32 of the complete pillars have
been prepared at Sirohi and 18 at Ayodhya. "I have already sent eight
truckloads to Ayodhya," said Ramesh Sompura. In fact, finding no
space left to store the pillars coming from Rajasthan the Ram Janmabhoomi
Nyas recently bought three acres land.
Most of the carvings depict floral motifs or gods and goddesses. "The
temple facade as such will have nothing to do with Rama or the Ramayana,"
said Rai. "It will resemble the Akshaydham temple in Gandhinagar
which was also designed by the same architect, Chandrakant Sompura."
Kanaram Patel, the representative of the Ram Janmabhoomi Nyas in Sirohi,
is now looking forward to the detailed plans for the sheekhar or spire
of the temple which are expected soon from Chandrakant Sompura. "The
sheekhar will be 132 feet high," said Patel. "That will take
much longer to carve, at least five years. But it will be a challenge."
The real challenge, however, will be for the BJP to allay fears of
a VHP-BJP game plan in the light of Singhal's statement that temple construction
will begin in another two years. Nritya Gopal Das (pic:
left), who has been chargesheeted by the CBI in the demolition
case, believes that the atmosphere is conducive for the work to begin
this year itself. "God does not wait for anyone to get majority,"
he told THE WEEK. "So Bhagavan Ram will also not wait for the BJP."
While expressing "satisfaction" with the BJP, he said, "Our
main cause of suspicion is persons like Jayalalitha and Chandrababu Naidu."
Rai too took a potshot at the BJP without naming it. "Everyone is
in favour of this mission but they don't have the courage to implement
it," he said. Supporting this sentiment were VHP activists Nagendra
Upadhaya and Hariram Gupta who supervise the workshop at Karsevakpuram.
Jayalalitha, meanwhile, sought to set the record straight about her support
to the kar seva at Ayodhya in 1990. "Madam wanted a temple and a
mosque to exist at the same place," AIADMK leader T.M. Selvaganapathy
told THE WEEK. "She was never for the demolition of the mosque."
Another BJP ally, Mamata Banerjee of the Trinamool Congress, was noncommittal
about the Sang Parivar's 'hidden' agenda. "I really don't know what
the VHP is doing, whether it is trying to build any temple at Ayodhya
or not," she said while campaigning for the panchayat elections in
West Bengal.
While the allies try to soft-pedal the issue, the Muslims and the opposition
parties have voiced fears of the Sangh Parivar's belligerence. "Today
there is a BJP government at the Centre and in UP and Rajasthan, where
the stone carving work is being done. Anything is possible," said
CPI leader A.B. Bardhan. "If we don't want to get the kind of shock
we did on December 6, 1992, secular parties, individuals, cultural and
even religious organisations must come together."
His demand that they undertake a "secular jagran" found acceptance
with the Samajwadi Party's Amar Singh, who said that mobilising people
was the only way to thwart the "BJP's nefarious strategy".Salman
Khurshid of the Congress went a step further and accused Home Minister
L.K. Advani of "overseeing the entire affair, and he is himself an
accused in the demolition case".
The convener of the Babri Masjid Action Committee in Ayodhya, Haji Mahaboob
Ahamad, also believes that the temple project has the blessings of Advani
and Murli Manohar Joshi. Most of the Muslims of Ayodhya are for a judicial
solution of the matter. "We will respect the verdict of the court
at all cost," said M.A. Latif, a former teacher. Muslim politician
Syed Shahabuddin has no objection to the pillars being built. "But
the suspicion is that they might start building (the temple) upon the
concrete platform which was erected during the kar seva in July 1992 defying
the Supreme Court orders. Once they start constructing, they will build
up public pressure in such a way that it will be impossible to stop them."
He demanded that the government immediately ban transportation of the
pillars to Ayodhya from Sirohi.
Said Shahi Imam Abdullah Bukhari: "The VHP must be pressured to make
its plans public so that we know where exactly they intend to put up the
temple."
The pillars on which the 'Ayodhya bomb' sits have taken shape after the
agitation for it began 14 years ago, the same number of years Ram was
in exile in the forest. "The temple is inevitable for Ram's rajyabhishek,"
said Nritya Gopal Das. But would He have wanted it on the debris of a
mosque?
Master builder
The architect of the temple attaches little importance to the site
Chandrakant Sompura, architect of the Ram Janmabhoomi
Temple, is hardly finicky about the site in Ayodhya. Left to himself,
he would build the temple anywhere including Ahmedabad, his home town.
Sompura (pic: right) said Prime Minister Rao had
found a practical way to build the temple. Rao wanted construction to
start a few feet away from the disputed site, so that the temple and the
mosque could be good neighbours, the pilgrims proceeding from the temple
to the birthplace at the mosque. "Had it been accepted the temple
would have been complete by now," said Sompura. But the VHP was adamant
that it could be built only at the spot where Rama was born."
Sompura, 55, is from a family that is a premier exponent of the Nagri
style of temple architecture prevalent in the north and the west of the
country. The year 1960 was a watershed in his life; the lad of 17 dropped
out of college and joined the family profession when his father Balwantrai
Sompura drowned in the Ganga while renovating the Badrinath Temple. Grandfather
Prabhashanker Sompura, the author of 14 books on temple architecture,
came out of retirement to keep the tradition alive. The grandpa became
Chandrakant's guru.
Sompura has not looked back since then. His finest achievement is the
Swaminarayan temple he built at Neasden in London in a record 28 months.
It was VHP chief Ashok Singhal who asked him to design the Ram Janmabhoomi
temple and later entrusted him with building it. "About 150 artisans
are working at Pindwara near Sirohi in Rajasthan," said Sompura,
though he was mourning his mother who died in May.
Sompura said artisans were following computerised directions as in the
case of the Swaminarayan temple for which the best Bulgarian limestone
from Vrtsa and marble from Sardinia were shipped to Kandla in a container.
Before loading, the stones were cut to the required size and every stone
was numbered. Over 2,500 artisans from Gujarat and Rajasthan cut, polished
and sculpted 26,300 stones, which were then shipped to London and assembled
using their code numbers. It was as if the temple were a jigsaw puzzle.
Why just 150 workers for the Ayodhya project which is four times bigger
than the London temple? "We do not know when the permission to build
the temple would come," said Sompura. "The local Muslims are
all for the temple. They know that a major pilgrimage centre can bring
them economic opportunities. But Muslim politicians are opposed to the
temple and the court process will be time consuming. The two shortcuts
for the construction are an unlikely compromise, and the BJP getting a
clear majority at the Centre. Even if I use 2,500 workers, it will take
about four years to complete the temple."
Sompura is accustomed to delay. It took him seven years to get the permission
of London town planners. "They refused to believe that a structure
without reinforced concrete would be durable. The temple was designed
to be made of stone to last forever." Patience had its reward. Sompura
won the 1995 Natural Stones special award from the Stone Federation for
the best architect designer. Apart from the Ayodhya temple, he is building
the Ramnath temple near Gondal in Saurashtra.
Going by the family lore, the Sompuras were Brahmin priests who descended
from the moon. They had come down to the earth to assist the Moon god
perform a yagna to escape a curse and could not return to the moon because
they had entered the world of birth and death cycle.
Fables are fanciful but there is something that does not die in the Sompura
family. It is the living tradition, and it has drawn into its fold Chandrakanta's
sons Nikhil and Aashish, who assist their father in his work on the Ayodhya
temple.
ARVIND J. BOSMIA in Ahmedabad
Warning: No idle worship allowed
A visit to the most guarded temple in the country is a daunting experience.
Devotees who flock to
Ayodhya are greeted by hawk-eyed securitymen, about 4,000 of them, deployed
in every nook and corner of the disputed site. The idol of Ram, placed
under a soiled canopy, is open to devotees every morning between seven
and ten, and between three and six in the afternoon. Visitors have to
pass through several security checkpoints before they can have a darshan
of Ram lalla.
The checks begin nearly half a km from the temple site. After negotiating
a steel barricade, visitors are made to walk through a metal detector.
The security tightens as they proceed. There are 400 men and 200 women
of the CRPF, 2,700 men of the Provincial Armed Constabulary and 200 of
the Rapid Action Force keeping vigil for potential troublemakers. A new
batch of policemen arrives in Ayodhya every three months: the idea is
to prevent the cops from developing a 'bond' with the place and its residents.
Unknown to most devotees the cops are keeping a watch on them from towers
to ensure that no one breaks the security ring. They are assisted by closed-circuit
television with cameras installed at vantage points. When the devotees
arrive at a second metal detector they are told to deposit all their belongings.
Cameras, combs, pens and even matchboxes are a no-no beyond this point:
visitors may keep only their wallets. As the visitors near the idol, the
automatic gun-toting cops of the Central forces come into view. This is
the sensitive zone: police sniffer dogs, in fact, scour the area each
morning for explosives.
The devotees are frequently told to refrain from standing in front of
the canopy for long. A quick darshan, and they are asked to move on, after
accepting prasad from a pundit.The government is spending more than Rs
5 crore a month on the security arrangements. Most of the devotees find
it stifling, though. "Frequent searches and excessive security rob
us of a peaceful darshan," complained Diwakar Gupta, a businessman
from Gorakhpur.
Added Nitin Dubey from Sitapur, "The expenditure on the security
forces should be diverted for providing clean drinking water, repairing
the roads and improving the power supply in Ayodhya." After the darshan,
the devotees take a circuitous route to a heavily-guarded exit, and walk
past a fire tender and Home Guard contingents on the ready. For most of
them it is an occasion to remember, for many reasons.
AJAY UPRETY in Lucknow
Legal labyrinth
For the last 50 years,
and especially from the mid eighties, the Babri Masjid issue has generated
a welter of litigation without getting any closer to a solution. Four
of the five title suits relating to the disputed spot, all grouped together
and being heard by a special Lucknow bench of the Allahabad High Court,
still stand. The fifth, filed by Ramchandra Paramhans, a priest, was withdrawn
in early 1990.
On January 16, 1950, three weeks after the "miraculous appearance"
of Ram Lalla within the Babri Masjid, Gopal Singh Visharad filed a suit
in the Faizabad civil court for an order against removal of the idols.
Simultaneously Paramhans demanded that his right to worship the idols
within the Babri Masjid be upheld.Though injunctions were passed upholding
these rights, the suits were not disposed of.
In 1959 sadhus of the Nirmohi Akhada, which had owned much of the land
around the disputed spot, filed a third suit seeking a direction that
no one interferes with worship at the Ram temple. Finally in December
1961, the UP Sunni Central Board of Waqfs filed a suit claiming rights
to the Babri Masjid and the land around it, which it described as a Sunni
graveyard. On July 1, 1989 VHP vice-president Deoki Nandan Agarwal filed
a suit on behalf of the deity: it sought a declaration that the area belonged
to the deities, and restraint on all those seeking to prevent the construction
of a Ram mandir at the site.
Unless these suits are resolved, the Ayodhya dispute can never be solved
legally. The Centre tried to sidestep them by passing the Ayodhya Acquisition
Bill and acquiring the entire area in March 1993. This was, however, challenged
in the Supreme Court. The court upheld the acquisition but ruled that
the Centre had no right to do with the land whatever it liked; it could
only administer the area and hand it over to whoever the High Court rules
is the real owner.
Since the chances of a court decision are remote only fresh legislation,
passed by a two-thirds majority in Parliament, can enable the VHP and
the Ram Janmabhoomi Nyas to own the land
SORCE : The Week , June 7, 1998
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